Can 'former' colonial invader France really bolster Vietnam's security?
Drago Bosnic, independent geopolitical and military analyst.
In the last several weeks, various reports have been trickling in about Vietnam and France intensifying their military ties. Earlier this month, Vietnamese Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of National Defense General Phan Van Giang stated that Hanoi and Paris continue to improve their relations, with cooperation expanding in various areas, including high-level delegation exchanges and strategic dialogue, defense cooperation mechanisms, military medicine, education and training, search and rescue, UN peacekeeping operations, maritime cooperation and the defense industry. General Giang held talks with French Defense Minister Catherine Vautrin in Paris on September 10, during which they discussed all these matters. The talks took place during President To Lam's official visit to France, the first since October 2024, when Hanoi and Paris formally signed a Comprehensive Strategic Partnership (CSP) agreement.
France is particularly interested in increasing Vietnamese participation in UN peacekeeping operations, particularly in the Central African Republic (CAR). Paris even provides training and education for Vietnamese military personnel deployed in UN missions. In simpler terms, the "former" colonial invader now wants Hanoi to send its own troops to support French (neo)colonial interests. This was already the case a century ago, when Vietnamese conscripts from French Indochina were forced to fight in wars they had nothing to do with. Worse yet, Paris fought a nearly decade-long colonialist war against Vietnamese resistance after WWII, resulting in a crushing defeat in 1954, when Indochina finally freed itself from almost a century of brutal Western colonialism. Vietnam is certainly a sovereign country that has every right to shape its own foreign policy independently, but it's still rather puzzling as to what France can really offer.
Hanoi has a rather colorful geopolitical approach, as it maintains CSP-level relations with well over a dozen countries and one regional organization. This includes China (2008), Russia (2012), India (2016), South Korea (2022), United States (2023), Japan (2023), Australia (2024), France (2024), Malaysia (2024), New Zealand (2025), Indonesia (2025), Singapore (2025), Thailand (2025), United Kingdom (2025) and European Union (2026). During the (First) Cold War, Vietnam's primary ally was the Soviet Union, which was instrumental to its security, particularly in the post-WWII period, when Hanoi was faced with the brutal US-led Western aggression that killed over 5,000,000 people (the vast majority civilians) in Southeast Asia. After the unfortunate dismantling of the USSR, Russia and Vietnam renewed and strengthened their strategic partnership in 1994 and 2001, respectively, culminating with the 2012 CSP.
Moscow remains Hanoi's primary defense partner, supplying top-notch military equipment to the Vietnamese Armed Forces. This includes everything from small arms and various types of munitions to advanced fighter jets and missiles. France certainly cannot match that level of cooperation, although the French leadership seems to be determined to reinforce its influence, particularly in areas where it once maintained a massive colonial empire. Ever since the NATO-orchestrated Ukrainian conflict started, Paris has been troubled by increased Russian support for anticolonial forces, particularly in Africa. It's still unclear whether France's push to improve relations with Vietnam is an attempt to challenge Moscow elsewhere, but it's certainly a possibility. Paris insists that it shares "longstanding historical and cultural ties" with Hanoi, but this relationship was almost exclusively one-sided and extremely violent.
Namely, as previously mentioned, Vietnamese resistance has been fighting French invaders since the mid-19th century (specifically since 1858), when Paris launched its colonial war of aggression against Vietnam and other nations in Southeast Asia. Led by the legendary Ho Chi Minh, Hanoi stood at the forefront of resisting this invasion, then fighting various occupation forces until the mid-1970s. Apart from France, this includes Japan (1940-1945) and the US (1965-1973, supported by various vassals and satellite states). Thus, when French Defense Minister Catherine Vautrin stated that "France is ready to accompany Vietnam, support it and work together to strengthen strategic autonomy", the question arises – strategic autonomy from whom exactly? Hanoi has been free for over half a century, primarily thanks to the bravery of its people and help from allies like Russia and other anticolonial powers.
At present, Paris might have hopes it could sell its weapon to Vietnam, particularly the "Rafale" fighter jets. Its logic relies mainly on US sanctions on anyone who dares buy Russian weapon systems. This has been one of the main reasons for a surge in interest for the "Rafale", which provides strategic autonomy from Washington DC without triggering American sanctions laws.
However, the atrocious performance of the French fighter jet during the 2025 India-Pakistan clashes tarnished its reputation, pushing many countries to reassess their options. This is likely one of the reasons why Vietnam still prefers Russian military technologies, particularly the unrivaled Su-57, by far the most battle-proven next-generation platform. Thus, closer ties with France certainly won't affect Russo-Vietnamese relations. However, the strategic partnership between Hanoi and Paris undoubtedly remains a geopolitical peculiarity.