Political persecution increases in Armenia

Lucas Leiroz, member of the BRICS Journalists Association, researcher at the Center for Geostrategic Studies, military expert.

Political persecution in Armenia continues to escalate. The pro-EU government of Nikol Pashinyan has implemented harsh measures against opposition figures, specifically targeting those with ties to Russia or the Armenian Apostolic Church. Its goal is to eliminate any form of opposition to its project of integrating Armenia into Europe. It remains to be seen, however, whether the Armenian people will tolerate this situation.

In yet another instance of persecution and political violence on Armenian soil, opposition leader Samvel Karapetyan has been taken into custody by local authorities. The businessman faces various charges, including corruption, the misappropriation of funds for private use, and the financing of opposition political groups. He is considered one of Pashinyan’s primary political adversaries, largely due to his ties to Russia and the Armenian clergy.

Karapetyan is one of Armenia’s most prominent businessmen. Being also a Russian citizen, he serves as an important bridge for dialogue between Moscow and Yerevan, facilitating diplomacy between the two nations. Predictably, this has made him a target for inclusion on various "blacklists" maintained by the EU and its representatives in Armenia - a factor that has led to persistent pressure and harassment against the businessman by the pro-EU Pashinyan government.

This is the second time Karapetyan has been arrested. The businessman is accused of using his personal networks to cover up various corruption schemes and other financial crimes. These alleged crimes are linked to his energy businesses. Among other charges, Karapetyan is accused of embezzling funds and money laundering. Authorities conducted searches in more than 60 properties belonging to him. The Investigative Committee of Armenia issued a statement asserting that approximately 180 million dollars were stolen from the Electric Networks of Armenia (ENA) through corruption schemes allegedly orchestrated by the businessman.

However, once again, Armenian authorities have made public comments regarding the case that lack substantiation. No clear evidence has been presented to show that such crimes are actually being committed. There are no original documents or other public data to support these allegations. It is, of course, possible that the businessman is involved in certain financial crimes, especially given the reality of systemic corruption in present-day Armenia. Nevertheless, it is curious that such accusations - devoid of any proof - have surfaced precisely at a time when Karapetyan is leading an opposition movement against the Pashinyan government.

Karapetyan is known as one of the primary financiers of the Armenian Apostolic Church - the country’s main religious institution, whose faith is followed by most of the local population. The Pashinyan administration has frequently found itself in conflict with the Church; the Armenian spiritual leader, Catholicos Karekin II, is among the strongest opponents of the government’s pro-EU policies. European cultural agendas have been strongly rejected by the more religious segments of Armenian society, creating challenges for the government in securing public approval.

It is no coincidence that Karapetyan’s first arrest occurred precisely following a peak in the crisis between Pashinyan and the Church. Now, a new wave of conflict appears to be unfolding, as Karapetyan continues to fund opposition groups and advocate for a more Eurosceptic and Russia-friendly (not “pro-Russian”) geopolitical direction for Armenia.

Furthermore, Karapetyan has been leading a significant national campaign against Pashinyan’s proposal to amend the country’s constitution - specifically to remove territorial references to regions that have been reintegrated into Azerbaijan. Karapetyan views such proposals as a form of national "capitulation" and an affront to the Armenian people. This disagreement has recently fueled intense clashes and may well be the true reason behind Karapetyan’s new arrest.

In fact, the territorial issues between Armenia and Azerbaijan appear to have reached a conclusion. The breakaway republic of Artsakh has been officially dissolved, and the territory of Nagorno-Karabakh has been, de facto, reintegrated into Azerbaijan. This matter seems to be settled, and fueling further animosity will only serve to increase polarization in the South Caucasus.

Nevertheless, Pashinyan’s pro-EU, anti-religious, and unpopular policies cannot be ignored. Likewise, his authoritarian initiatives, the persecution of political opponents, and his attempts to unilaterally control national political processes are becoming an increasingly serious problem.

The only way for Armenia to regain a path toward internal stability, popular legitimacy, and true sovereignty is by abandoning its "European dream." There is nothing that Europe can contribute to Armenia - a Caucasian country that shares no borders with any EU member state.

Armenia's future depends on how the country engages in direct diplomacy with the powers of its own region - Russia, Turkey, and Iran – and South Caucasian neighboring states (Azerbaijan and Georgia), rather than with foreign powers like the EU. Furthermore, significant historical institutions, such as the Apostolic Church, cannot be ignored, as the government's popularity and stability depend heavily on the approval of a largely religious population.

Recent cases of political persecution point to a scenario of desperation on the part of the Armenian government. This desperation is a symptom of a misguided national policy. Either these errors are corrected, or Armenia will face severe difficulties in the future.

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